Even More False Budget Comparisons

Glenn Hubbard's and John Cogan's Wall Street Journal op-ed this morning seems persuasive until you consider that their premise is wrong, their math is misleading, and they fail to explain the real reason federal revenues have risen as a share of gross domestic product over the past 25 years.

First the wrong premise -- Hardly anyone is proposing to allow the 2001 and 2003 marginal tax rate cuts, marriage penalty relief, or child tax credit to expire in 2010. Senators Obama and Clinton have repeatedly promised to extend those tax cuts for all but the very wealthy. Senator Clinton defined wealthy as those making over $250,000 a year.

Second, Hubbard and Cogan examine only the past 25 years, starting in fiscal year 1983, when President Reagan's tax cuts first took full effect, driving federal revenues down to 17.5% of GDP from 19.6% when he took office in 1981.

Hubbard's and Cogan's math is very misleading. They state: "By historical standards, federal revenues relative to GDP, at 18.8% last year, are high. In the past 25 years, this level was only exceeded during the five years from 1996 to 2000." It's Freudian that they left out the 19.8% of fiscal year 2001, the sixth year in the past 25 over 18.8%, as you can see from Historical Table 1.2, page 25, in the President's FY09 Budget.

More problematic is that federal revenues over the past 25 years averaged 18.3%, only half a percentage point of GDP below last year's 18.8%. Therefore, last year's 18.8% is not very high. High is when we hit 20.0% in fiscal years 1998 and 1999 and 20.9% in fiscal year 2000. They fail to note that President Reagan never got revenues below 17.4% of GDP or that President Bush 43 slashed them to 16.5% of GDP in fiscal year 2003 and to 16.4% in fiscal year 2004. President Bush 43 outdid President Reagan by a lot. They also fail to mention that we are headed back down from 18.8% last year to near 18.0% this year. It would be much more accurate to conclude that, last year, federal revenues briefly returned to just above their historical average of the past 25 years, and they headed back slightly below that average right now.

Finally, Hubbard and Cogan fail to dissect the reason revenues are high. Turn to Historical Table 1.3 on pages 34 and 35 of the President's FY09 Budget. Take a close look at the composition of federal revenues. In fiscal year 1983, federal revenues of 17.5% of GDP were composed of individual income taxes of 8.4%, corporate income taxes of 1.1%, Social Security payroll taxes of 6.1%, excise taxes of 1.0%, and other taxes of 0.9%. Flip to the next page and check out fiscal year 2007, when federal revenues of 18.8% of GDP were composed of individual income taxes of 8.5%, corporate income taxes of 2.7%, Social Security payroll taxes of 6.4%, excise taxes of 0.5%, and other taxes of 0.7%. Hubbard and Cogan would have you believe that individual income taxes are behind the increase, but that isn't true. They are almost identical at 8.5% in fiscal year 2007 as compared to 8.4% in fiscal year 1983. The largest increase in 25 years by far is from corporations. Despite lower corporate tax rates, corporations are much more profitable now than they were in 1983, and that 1.6% of GDP increase is the main driver of today's higher federal revenues as a percentage of GDP. Social Security payroll taxes have inched up 0.3% points of GDP. Federal excise tax revenues have dropped in half by 0.5% of GDP, and other federal taxes have declined 0.2% of GDP.

Glenn and John, where is the tax increase?

 

Pete, Please forgive my

Pete, Please forgive my cross-posting this question from the previous thread, but I think it's the most important question related to that Cogan and Hubbard op-ed. Cogan and Hubbard say tax increases would not mitigate our long-term fiscal imbalance (indeed, that it would exacerbate it) due to a combination of higher (i.e., incremental) spending and slower GDP growth. Do you agree or disagree? Would tax increases (e.g., letting the Bush tax cuts expire and/or allowing the AMT to hit more taxpayers) likely lead to higher or lower debt-to-GDP over the long-term? If you disagree, do you think it is because they overstate the degree to which incremental revenues would lead to incremental spending, overstate the degree to which GDP would be adversely affected, both, or something else? I'd really like to know what you, Andrew, and Stan think about this. If Cogan and Hubbard's assertion is correct (and count me as very skeptical), then tax increases would not yield deficit reduction or at least no reduction in the debt-to-GDP ratio. For all but those who favor higher spending, their assumption transforms the option of tax increases from a cost-benefit trade-off (benefit of deficit-reduction, cost of higher taxes) into a lose-lose (no benefit, just cost). If their right, unless one wants higher spending, there's no point to tax increases, so this assumption is very important to address and refute if invalid (as I suspect it is). Thanks.

Even More False Budget Comparisons

Brooks, Tax increases can lead to additional spending, but the 1990 and 1993 budget reconciliation bills demonstrated it is also possible to harness carefully selected tax increases to cut the deficit. Letting the Bush tax cuts expire in 2010, which I doubt will happen, would raise taxes dramatically, and, if the Fed didn't offset that with easier monetary policy, it would slow GDP growth. That slower GDP would reduce revenue growth, but not by anywhere near the amount of the tax increase. Therefore, the long-run debt to GDP ratio would decline. However, there is a limit to how far taxes could be increased before a recession resulted, GDP declined, tax revenues declined, spending increased, and the debt to GDP rose. The problem is figuring out where that limit is. Economists have not agreed on this, but voters don't wait for economists to speak, they just threaten to vote replacements for their elected representatives. Those representatives are quite sensitive to this issue, and that's why federal revenues as a share of GDP doesn't vary much from 18% of GDP. In my experience, spending decisions by the President and Congress are made without much regard for revenues or the deficit. President Reagan blithely proposed and enacted the largest tax cut in history AND the largest peacetime defense increase in history. President Bush 43 cut taxes more than any modern president AND signed the largest expansion of Medicare to cover prescription drugs of any president since Lyndon Johnson created the program. On Capitol Hill, the budget committees are supposed to keep spending and taxation in balance, but they rarely have more power than the appropriators or the tax writers. Deficit reduction is like dieting; it takes a lot of hard work to get the weight off and a lot more hard work to keep it off. It's a matter of political will. If political will is sufficiently powerful it will reduce the public debt with a combination of tax increases and spending cuts. There are tax increases and spending cuts that can be very damaging to economic growth, and there are tax increases and spending cuts that don't affect economic growth at all. To just preclude all tax increases or all spending cuts ignores reality. Pete

Thanks Pete. If I may ask a

Thanks Pete. If I may ask a follow-up, related question: Some believe our long-term fiscal imbalance should be addressed entirely through cuts in projected spending (and without cuts in the Defense budget), rather than a combination of such cuts and higher taxes. Is such a scenario politically plausible, or would the political process necessarily produce a compromise of a combination of spending cuts and tax increases? And if the answer is the latter -- that tax increases are inevitable -- doesn't that mean that tax cuts today (or delay in tax increases) do not really represent lower taxes, but merely a shift of the tax burden to the future, and compounded at that? Thanks again.

Are tax cuts a shift of the tax burden?

And if the answer is the latter -- that tax increases are inevitable -- doesn't that mean that tax cuts today (or delay in tax increases) do not really represent lower taxes, but merely a shift of the tax burden to the future, and compounded at that? I believe that to be an important question. Personally, I believe that the tax cuts did represent a shift of the tax burden to the future. In any event, this is why I believe that we need to reinstate PAYGO. As stated here, "PAYGO required all increases in direct spending or revenue decreases to be offset by other spending decreases or revenue increases". If we can't muster the political capital to pay for a tax cut or spending increase at the time that people benefit from it, how on earth do we expect to muster the political capital to pay for it later?

Keep in mind that Federal

Keep in mind that Federal spending is only one part of government spending. FY2007 Federal government spending was $2.7 trillion, state government spending was $1.2 trillion, and local government spending was $1.4 trillion. If you add it all up (and avoid "double counting" Federal grants used for State spending), FY2007 all US government spending was $4.8 trillion, or 35% of GDP. Source: http://www.usgovernmentspending.com/ If you go back to say, FY1962, Federal spending was 18% GDP, but total US government spending was 29% GDP. Even in FY 2001, Federal spending was 18% of GDP, but total US government spending ramped up to 34% of GDP. Clearly a lot of the expansion of US government spending (as measured relative to GDP) has been at the state and local level. I suspect most of that has been health care and education costs.

Government Spending

Clearly a lot of the expansion of US government spending (as measured relative to GDP) has been at the state and local level. I suspect most of that has been health care and education costs.
I believe that much of the increased local government spending relates to more pork projects given to developers and contractors who provide money or favors to politicians (essentially, increased corruption and bribery). I certainly see enough of this in the Memphis area. (Memphis politicians actively seek to reach the levels of corruption seen in New Orleans and Chicago.)

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