If It's Spring, There Must Be a Trustees Report

Picking up on Pete's post about the 2008 Trustees Report, I always go first to this table, Table IV.B7, which shows the present value of Social Security's unfunded obligations over an infinite horizon.  The number is $13.6 trillion, or 3.2% of taxable payroll or 1.1% of gross domestic product over the same horizon. 

I've blogged extensively about these summary numbers over at Vox Baby.  For the present post, I'd like to make two quick points.

1) I tend to focus on the middle number--3.2% of taxable payroll--when describing what needs to be done to Social Security to remove its projected shortfall.  The number itself means that if we increased payroll taxes by 3.2 percentage points, from 12.4 to 15.6%, and invested the near-term surpluses at the rate of return projected on Treasuries, there would be enough funds available to pay all projected benefits in perpetuity.  That doesn't mean we have to follow that strategy, but it does indicate the size of the projected shortfall.  Since the deficits come in future years, I don't see any good reason why we don't change the rules for future contributions and benefits to remove them.

2) Pete points out, as others like CBO Director Peter Orszag have, that the projected increases in per-capita medical expenditures in Medicare and Medicaid become a much larger fiscal challenge than the demographic-driven changes in both Social Security and Medicare expenditures.  This is well captured by this chart, available in the Trustees Report summary:

Projected Social Security and Medicare Costs

Social Security's costs increase to 6% of GDP as the Baby Boomers move from the workforce to retirement.  That shift in costs is permanent, even as the Baby Boomers expire, because of longer term trends toward longer lives and fewer children.  That projected increase is swamped by the impact of projected medical expenditure increases. And unlike Social Security, there is very little in the way of projected revenue sources that aren't general revenues, as shown in the next chart:

Projected Sources of Financing for Medicare

Everything above that purple sliver is money that will come from future taxpayers beyond the tax rates that current workers are paying through the HI payroll tax.

Given pictures like these, I think it is important to discuss comprehensive reform.  The sooner, the better.  On Social Security, I've put my name on a plan that could serve as a compromise.  On Medicare, I think the best option is to raise the age of full eligibility for future beneficiaries, allowing younger retirees to pay their way in.  But that's a blog for another day.

non partisan proposal response

I like the tenor of your proposal, but I would be interested in two tweaks: (1) Why should Brian Urlacher or your favorite CEO pay lower payroll taxes than you or I? I never liked the regressive nature of payroll taxes. Why limit the income level that is taxed? I would eliminate the cap and use extra revenues to fund the private accounts, with any extra going to reducing the overall taxation level. (2) Why should any retiree (sports star, CEO, or retired speculator) who receives more than 200k/yr in passive income also receive SS benefits? I would phase out benefits (not just lower the rate of increase) for those earning over 100k (as I expect to) so that those over 200k/yr do not receive benefits. Any surplus would first fund private accounts and then go to lowering the overall tax rate. Private accounts would stay with beneficiaries regardless of income.

Choices in the LMS plan

Thanks for your response. We should be clear: Urlacher pays the same payroll taxes that I do, since we are both at the maximum taxable earnings. His payroll tax rate is less than mine, since he has more payroll above the cap than I do.

We had some concern about lifting the cap on the OASDI payroll tax. That would increase the marginal tax rate on payroll by 12.4 percentage points (employer and employee combined) on the highest earning levels. That's a big increase in marginal tax rates on earnings that can be quite sensitive to tax rates.

But the choice came down more to one of ideological preference. As the right-of-center member of the trio, I was looking to keep the size of the overall program from getting too large. As the left-of-center member of the trio, Jeff was unwilling to allow Social Security to look too much (more) like a welfare program in which benefits are unrelated to taxes paid. So lifting the cap entirely (without adding benefits on the covered earnings) or confiscating benefits entirely were not things that appealed to him.

SS as Welfare, why hide it?

I also consder myself to be right of center, and I am concerned about marginal tax rates, especially as they drive incentives away from economic growth. I don't understand the liberal problem with exposing SS as a wellfare program. That is the only way it makes sense. I also pay the max rate for SS. Why would I want to pay more so that the government can do a lousy job of saving for my retirement? The value of the program is in that it provides some dignitiy to those who don't fit into the system well and can't (for whatever reason) manage to save. Jeff's concern was solely related to political survival of the program, I imagine. It seems to me that the unimpervious 'third rail' has some political capitol margin to spend in order to make it more effective and less wasteful. I'd like to reduce its scope to where it makes sense. The other program pieces your proposal adds, in the way of mandatory private savings accounts, are an improved way of saving for retirment and probably are beneficial to many of the middle class. However, people like you and I , can do better without the regulation and administration. If we reduce the scope, then perhpas the marginal tax hit can be reduced some. However, I find the regressive nature of the tax unappealing. We are moving toward a system where the income tax is just for the 'rich' (that would be us not Warren Buffet) and payroll tax is for the poor and middle class. I do not like this stratification. We should have a simple, mildly regreesive system that is as low as we can get away with. I am a recent fan of Vox Baby, who has followed to the new blog. I appreciate your style, insight, and the topics you write about. Thanks.

Welfare vs. Insurance

The left/liberal insistence on keeping Social Security under a worker funded insurance model rather than a society wide welfare model is a tactical effort to keep it insulated from people who fundamentally disagree with the entire concept of federal social programs to begin with. If Social Security were simply folded into the General Fund it would be at risk of Norquist-ization, that is of being shrunk down to the point it could be drowned in his proverbial bathtub. On the other hand as wage worker funded insurance that benefits only wage workers we can and do insist that people serving the interests of holders of capital keep their hands off (to limited success). For example LMS advances certain policy goals not directly related to retirement security, that is itself a result of the 'crisis' narrative, if the system is broken why not fix it in a way that has broader benefits? Well that would be fine if the fix actually fixed everything, LMS leaves some gaps. The cap is to be explained the same way. Supporters of Social Security understand that you can only push people so far. We have a social responsibility to allow people who have worked all their lives to have some dignity in retirement. This doesn't translate into the government having total control over your investment portfolio, we are socialists and not dirty commies. The cap is an attempt to draw the line between social and individual responsibility. Personally I think it is set too high, people making over the median generally have access to retirement plans in ways that wage workers significantly under the median typically do not. And clearly there is resentment among people making incomes near the cap who feel, and rightly, that having gotten themselves into a job paying $102,000/year that maybe they can take on this responsibility. But lowering the cap would simultaneously lower support for plans that radically change the nature of Social Security, plans such as LMS, by taking some pressure off. For people who are more insistent on ending SS than mending it, this would be a step backwards.