Entitlement Reform Deja Vu
I have had an unsettling feeling that I have seen this health care reform debate before. These townhalls remind me quite a lot of President Bush's Social Security roadshow in 2005. Not specifically the disruptions -- without the disruptions, they would merely look like dog-and-pony shows that accomplish very little. I want Congressional hearings and white papers, not townhall meetings. We have had precious little of those in preparation for a huge increase the government's role in health care. It is not that there is no academic research to draw on -- it is that the government has not been drawing up the sort of blueprint that used to accompany major legislative initiatives.
More ominous to me is how I think it is all going to end, which is a repeat of Medicare Part D in 2003. In that episode, the President signaled very early that he wanted to sign "a bill." The House passed one bill. The Senate passed another bill. And almost every good idea in either one seemed to disappear in the subsequent conference committee. And it took major arm twisting and giveaways to get the final bill passed. I think President Obama has sent the same signal about health care reform. With the Democratic control of both houses, they will eventually get enough support to pass something in each one. The dirty work will be done in conference committee, and some time after the beginning of the new year, something will be signed. Not necessarily something thoughtful and good, but something that my kids will have to pay for in higher taxes over their whole working lifetimes.

Constitutional question.
An interesting op-ed in the WaPo makes the significant point that any requirement by the federal government that all people purchase health insurance may face serious constitutional challenges.
"The federal government does not have the power to regulate Americans simply because they are there." In fact, pretty much the entire purpose of the Constitution is to prevent the federal government from having that power.
For the federal government to be able to regulate individuals' behavior in a given way, it must be enabled by a clause in the Constitution, such as the Commerce Clause.
But it's hard to see how "Person A needs a subsidy in a commercial purchase (of insurance) in our opinion, thus we will require Person B to make a purchase of the product (insurance) that he neither wants nor needs (e.g. because he can self insure) to finance that subsidy", can be explained as having the goal of protecting or furthering interstate commerce.
(Substitute in the parens any other product besides health insurance -- automobiles, computers, whatever -- and the point may become clear.)
It's worth remembering that FDR and the founders of Social Security believed that enacting it as a "social insurance" program would not be constitutional, because nothing in the Constitution authorizes Congress to enact federal social insurance.
Thus, FDR's Social Security Act of 1935 was carefully drafted to stand constitutionally on "the power to levy taxes and expend funds to provide for the general welfare", as a tax-and-spend program.
(In fact, the writers of the SSA of 1935 went out of their way to put "spend" provisions in Title II of the Act and "tax" provisions in Title VIII, segregating them to create the elegant fiction that they were legally separate programs, to defend against any arguments that the Act created one unified "social insurance" program. That proved unnecessary, as the Supreme Court, after experiencing the trauma of FDR's court packing scheme, was content to accept the government's constitutional power to tax-and-spend and look no further.)
Obviously, requiring individuals to make purchases of a commercial product simply because they are alive is not something that can stand on the government's "tax" power. Some other "hook" in the Constitution is going to be required. It's not clear what that is.
Causing Person A to subsidize
Causing Person A to subsidize Person B is simply charity enforced by the state. This was never envisioned by the United States' founding fathers. James Madison says it better than I could:
[T]he government of the United States is a definite government, confined to specified objects. It is not like the state governments, whose powers are more general. Charity is no part of the legislative duty of the government.
James Madison, speech in the House of Representatives, January 10, 1794
Madison realized that charity is not the job of government for charity in the hands of government is nothing more than despotism.
To paraphrase another of Madison's comments, that country which takes the property of one of its citizens to give to another is not what this country is about. Except that is exactly what this country has become.
Jim, states clearly have the power
States currently require auto insurance, for example. So, Congress simply requires the states to do so as a condition of keeping their medicare and medicaid subsidies.
But the current supreme court is extremely tilted towards federal governmental power. It will be interesting to see them squirm over a use of power that they don't approve of.
auto insurance
States don't require someone without a car to buy auto insurance, whereas in the case of an individual mandate of health insurance, everbody has a body. Seems to me there are arguably other important differences as well (regarding externalities), but I just wanted to point out that one.
Auto insurance -- uninsured rates.
Also, about 15% of drivers remain uninsured nationally.
For instance 18% in California.
"Passing a law" does not make it so.
If it did, rent controls would work -- and we'd all enjoy living in our luxury homes at low, low cost thanks to our local town councils.
15%... well, i would have
15%... well, i would have said 5%, maybe 7, but 15 ! And worse, 18 in California... Arnold, what are you doing ? :p
Tom, from mode
Re.: Jim, states clearly have the power
States currently require auto insurance, for example. So, Congress simply requires the states to do so as a condition of keeping their medicare and medicaid subsidies.
Just so -- except for the word "simply".
Consider the case of the national 55-miles-per-hour speed limit, which was simplicity itself compared to national health care.
Congress couldn't constitutionally impose it on drivers directly, so it went through the process of giving states a reason to do so individually via the "federal highway funds" incentive.
The federal requirement was very unpopular in lots of places and the states had very different responses, with a good number enacting technical "loophole" minimums to keep the highway funds...
~~~
Arizona, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Utah replaced traditional speeding fines with $5-$15 energy wasting fines as long as drivers did not exceed the speed limit in effect before the 55 mph federal requirement
~~~
... while whatever state law was enacted, it was always a simple thing just to ignore enforcement, even in states with big fines "... on New York's Interstate highways an 83% noncompliance rate was found despite extreme penalties ranging from $100 (1982 dollars) or 30 days jail on a first offense."
Congress looked the other way, of course, and never pulled any state's highway funding. Even though its mandate was basically -- in many cased overtly -- ignored. What else was it going to do? Eventually it dropped "55".
That's about the simplest example of Congress "requiring" states to do its will -- and it turned out to be not so simple.
Consider the simplest version of requiring states to make everybody buy health insurance -- much simpler than the Democrats' actual proposal (whatever it may turn out to be, since they don't actually have one but five conflicting ones so far.) Supppose it says, "every state should require that everybody purchase insurance coverage, the federal government will pick up the cost for the uninsured who can't afford it", then passes some "stick" rules to punish states that don't go along. That's the whole proposal for universal coverage.
Remember too the larger context, how federal law segregates each state's insurance market from competiton ... exempts state government rules on health insurance from the Commerce Clause (enabling states to establish protectionist rules for local politically-protected favorites -- which enables those favorites to collect way high premiums for politically mandated benefits) ... and exempts state-regulated insurers from anti-trust rules (securing the protectionist-monopoly local insurance arrangements).
Now two issues immediately jump to mind, with hardly any thought:
1) People in low insurance cost states object "Why should we pay income taxes to transfer them to New York to pay for premiums that are five times higher than we pay, because New York mandates that insurance pay for all kinds of benefits (whether people want them or not) that we don't get here?"
2) Worse, politicians in New York right away, and elsewhere soon enough, start thinking: "Hey, let's ladle *more* mandated benefits into policies -- from coverage for sex change operations to Weight Watchers memberships to medical seances with missed ancestors. Premium costs can't possibly be pushed up too high now! Because if people drop coverage due to it being too expensive, the feds will pay for it for them!.
This is not a mere theoretical concern. Say: Medicaid. It's the worst financial mess of the US health care system, with the most fraud (not to mention waste), least management, and fastest expense growth, now rivaling Medicare and crushing many state budgets. How could a single-payer system be so bad?
The answer is incentives. Medicaid cost-bearing is split, so nobody pays the full freight. In NYS, where Medicaid finances are the worst anywhere, they are split three ways -- feds, state and local overnment each pay a share. Local politicians who set benefit levels pay only around 33 cents in taxes or borrowing for every $1 they spend. "Wow, for 33 cents I get to hand out $1.00!" Overspending! And as for cost control: "For every $1.00 I save I get only 33 cents? Yuch. Who's going to do that?"
Results: Serious reports of 40% fraud levels, while ... "Over half of states now spend less than one-tenth of 1 percent of their Medicaid budgets to fight fraud ... New York cut the number of health-department staffers combating Medicaid scams from 200 to 50 [as] expenditures have grown by $30 billion ...[CJ]
That's the direct result of the incentives in the structure of the program.
Economics is about incentives. If you tell the states: "If you have uninsureds we'll pick up the cost of them for you", the states will create uninsureds. How will *that* "bend the cost curve"?
All that is to be argued over in just the simplest schematic of things. Now imagine all this is introduced in the middle of the current big fight over Obamacare -- a new element of the plan becomes that state goverments will be required to enact mandatory insurance purchase rules on their own, state by state. Like with the 55 MPH speed limit.
Now state-level politicians are drawn into the fight. They'll have to start conducting town hall meetings of their own to explain their positions, how they'll enact local mandates, whether they want to or not, and deal with the crowd response.
The Dems' health reform plan, whatever it may finally be, is tanking in the polls. Clearly, with such low and falling numbers, in some states the majority of voters are against it. National-level Dem politicians from such states may feel the unhappy duty to stay "on board" with the proposal for reasons of party discipline, et. al.
But state-level politicians have no such obligation. Why would state-level Dems in such states feel obligated to risk getting themselves unelected by coming out with some sort of "universal purchase mandate" (subsidizing New Yorkers) that their voters don't want, to support a larger reform program that their voters don't want? What if state-level Dems in just a few of these states say to their Congressmen: "No! And we run the political organizations that get you elected."
If one is a supporter of Obamacare, does one really want to extend the political fight in this direction?
If not, then one had better hope somebody has already thought of this and found a Contstitutional "hook" to hang mandated individual insurance purchases on, directly. But the authors of the WaPo op-ed are correct in that if someone has, nobody has explained it in public and been noticed.
So in sum, sure, Congress can set up a carrot-and-stick arangement to push the states to all enact their own rules mandating individual health insurance purchases. But "simply"? No.
Remember, Congress's simple attempt to compel the states to enact the universal 55 MPH speed limit failed.
Constitution has nothing to do with this
I pay for Medicare even though I don't use it (and I might never use it if I die before 65), so the whole concept of party A paying to benefit party B is already in place. FDR wanted national health insurance but he backed off for other political reasons (upcoming elections, and the opposition of the nation's doctors).
Re. Constitution has nothing to do with this
Medicare is a tax-and-spend program.
It's not a program regulating individual behavior.
It's a rather basic point that the Constitution was adopted specifically to limit the power of the federal government to regulate individual behavior.
You'll note that when Congress wanted a national 55 miles per hour speed limit, it couldn't simply enact one and impose it directly.
Instead, it had to go through the process of giving the states incentives to enact it individually. (And the states had highly varying individual responses and degress of compliance.)
If you think Congress can directly require individuals to buy insurance or any other financial (or non-financial) product, you'll have to suggest the enumerated power of the federal government in the Constitution that authorizes this.
Vouchers?
Jim,
Great posts.
As I'm not sure if I like the idea of universal health insurance, let me instead address how to do it. Cart first, then horse, just like our space program.
If the federal government can tax and spend, perhaps the federal government can offer everyone a $3000/year voucher for medical insurance. Use it or lose it.
States could still keep the power to regulate insurance. If New York adds benefits, New Yorkers pay for those benefits.
Vouchers set a minimum price for insurance. They'd give insurance companies a pretty strong incentive to figure out some way to make a plan to cover folks who cannot pay a single dime more than the voucher amount.
I don't think vouchers would get everyone into the insurance pool, since companies would still be incented to isolate those with higher risk (preexisting conditions). But I suspect vouchers would get many more people in. Perhaps enough to realize the savings that we're supposed to see from moving folks from emergency care to preventive care. Perhaps someone with a clue can opine on that.
Healthcare around the world
Other industrialized nations have systems we can learn from . . .
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/21/AR200908...